The article represents one of the few and probably more detailed sociological and geopolitical analysis of the Croatian post-communist transtition in Italian language. It discussed the main issues and topics that shaped the public dbate of Croatia since the collapse of Yugoslavia. Emilio Cocco, the author, backs his arguments with references to political discourses, national symbolism, statistic, historiography and opinion leaders assessments. Nonetheless, the text is intended for a multidisciplinary audience and maintains a smooth style. Emilio Cocco main argument is that the nature of post-communist Croatian transition is paradoxical. On one hand , the efforts of the new Croatian national political and cultural elite were oriented towards the establishment of a European, Western and anti-Balkan national identity. On the other one, the same strategy eventually led to a somehow fratricide war, regional frictions, international isolation, cultural depression and human rights violations. To discuss his thesis, Emilio Cocco takes into consideration some crucial issues. Firstly, the problems deriving from the economic transition to market economy and the contested privatization process along nationalist lines, which was intended to create a politically loyal national middle class. Secondly, the quasi-totalitarian role of the HDZ, the major political party, which acted as a natural and necessary intermediary between the state and the people. By claiming the legitimacy to represent the only real interest of the Croats and of the Croatian state, the role of the HDZ was ambivalent and often authoritarian. Thirdly, the process of cultural separation and political deconciliation from the Serbs and from Yugoslavia. This process meant a differentiated set of politically oriented decisions in different cultural fields, from language policies, to education, cinema and arts. As a result, the new national elite promoted in the 1990s a politically approved way to be a Croat. And, eventually, the investment on ethnic policies that were intended to draw the borders of croat-ness had a negative impact at the territorial level, where regional and local differences became more relevants. As a conclusion, Emilio Cocco assumes that the end of the homeland war, the regional stabilisation and the EU integration process would lead to a progressive democratization and de-balkanisation of Croatia. Nonethelss, the way Croatian state has been founded won’t change and some political mythologies will be there in the future too. Therefore, the pacification of Croatia with Europe and the International Community would not necessary bring a similar step with the Balkan neighbours.
La Croazia si riscopre balcanica
COCCO, EMILIO
2000-01-01
Abstract
The article represents one of the few and probably more detailed sociological and geopolitical analysis of the Croatian post-communist transtition in Italian language. It discussed the main issues and topics that shaped the public dbate of Croatia since the collapse of Yugoslavia. Emilio Cocco, the author, backs his arguments with references to political discourses, national symbolism, statistic, historiography and opinion leaders assessments. Nonetheless, the text is intended for a multidisciplinary audience and maintains a smooth style. Emilio Cocco main argument is that the nature of post-communist Croatian transition is paradoxical. On one hand , the efforts of the new Croatian national political and cultural elite were oriented towards the establishment of a European, Western and anti-Balkan national identity. On the other one, the same strategy eventually led to a somehow fratricide war, regional frictions, international isolation, cultural depression and human rights violations. To discuss his thesis, Emilio Cocco takes into consideration some crucial issues. Firstly, the problems deriving from the economic transition to market economy and the contested privatization process along nationalist lines, which was intended to create a politically loyal national middle class. Secondly, the quasi-totalitarian role of the HDZ, the major political party, which acted as a natural and necessary intermediary between the state and the people. By claiming the legitimacy to represent the only real interest of the Croats and of the Croatian state, the role of the HDZ was ambivalent and often authoritarian. Thirdly, the process of cultural separation and political deconciliation from the Serbs and from Yugoslavia. This process meant a differentiated set of politically oriented decisions in different cultural fields, from language policies, to education, cinema and arts. As a result, the new national elite promoted in the 1990s a politically approved way to be a Croat. And, eventually, the investment on ethnic policies that were intended to draw the borders of croat-ness had a negative impact at the territorial level, where regional and local differences became more relevants. As a conclusion, Emilio Cocco assumes that the end of the homeland war, the regional stabilisation and the EU integration process would lead to a progressive democratization and de-balkanisation of Croatia. Nonethelss, the way Croatian state has been founded won’t change and some political mythologies will be there in the future too. Therefore, the pacification of Croatia with Europe and the International Community would not necessary bring a similar step with the Balkan neighbours.I documenti in IRIS sono protetti da copyright e tutti i diritti sono riservati, salvo diversa indicazione.